Thursday, 7 May 2015

Morality, spirituality and elections by Shri T.S. Ananthu, Gandhian thinker



 Morality, spirituality and elections by Shri T.S. Ananthu

As most of us know, the split in AAP fructified on March 28, 2015, at a meeting of their National Executive wherein Yogendra Yadav and Prashant Bhushan were expelled from their Political Affairs Committee. Much has been written and said about the merits and demerits of what happened at that meeting. However, not that much attention has been given to a central point on which Kejriwal asked the NE members to base their vote on. He said:
‘You have to choose between those who lead you to victory versus those who lead you to defeat.’
By a vast majority, the NE members voted in favour of the one who had led them to that spectacular victory in Delhi, and so Yadav and Bhushan were expelled.
Yogendra Yadav too alluded to this subject when he wrote to all AAP volunteers later on:
“How to keep at bay the greed of instant success? Can success be achieved without compromising with one's moral ideals?”
However, while he raised this important question, he did not seem to provide an answer. So, I wrote to two grandsons of Mahatma Gandhi (also of Rajaji) whom I have been in touch with since the 1970s – Rajmohan Gandhi and Gopalakrishna Gandhi. Both are well known for their moral standing. Gopalakrishna penned his answer in one brief sentence:
“I believe it is just about possible, though extremely difficult.”
Rajmohan’s response was:
“A good answer to your question cannot come from me. What little I know pis this: many elections of the kind I have fought are won or lost because of a 'wave' which some can spot in advance.”
As is obvious from Rajmohan’s response, he did not think the voters paid much heed to his moral standing. When he contested in 1990 from Amethi against Rajiv Gandhi, hardly anyone said: ‘hey, here is the grandson of Gandhiji, whose family members have never gone after power or pelf, unlike those from the Nehru dynasty. Why not vote for him?’. When he contested on the AAP ticket in 2014, once again, his moral standing was ignored. Why is that the case? Why is it that voters in the same country which stood like a rock behind Gandhiji chose not to back his grandson who, unlike many other politicians, has a clean record and is well known for his ability to lead organizations? Has the Indian’s attraction to the moral fibre of its leaders gone down? If so, how come AAP swept the Delhi Assembly elections within a few months of Rajmohan’s defeat in the same city?
I -think it is a good idea for all of us to ponder over these fundamental questions. Let me put down here what comes to my mind as the answer.
My thoughts on these important questions:
I think morality does play a role in deciding a voter’s choice, but it is only one factor amongst many. For instance, if residents of a village badly need a road built so that bus services can be extended to their village, and a leading light in the village promises to get this done if they all vote for his party, and they believe his promise, they are likely to become part of his ‘vote bank’ – even if they know that in the process of getting the road built their ‘leader’ is likely to line his pockets. Thus, a morally upright person who is unable to ‘deliver the goods’ is unlikely to get the voters’ support. But that does not mean that morality is never a factor in the decision the voter makes. If two people are contesting an election and both seem capable of delivering the goods equally well, they would generally choose the one who seems more upright between the two of them. I would view AAP’s spectacular performance in Feb. 2015 in this light. In May 2014 voters had preferred BJP to AAP because Modi seemed capable of delivering the goods, and Kejriwal’s abrupt resignation had raised questions in their minds as to whether he was capable of governance. But his unqualified apology – coming as it did from a person whom they considered honest to the core – was accepted by them. By Feb. 2015 there was a feeling that Modi may not be that capable of implementing his promises as they had supposed in 2014, and so the voters immediately switched over to those whom they considered morally upright, and who now promised to deliver the goods and not run away from responsibility.

One of the important things politicians decide before their campaign is – what ‘goodies’ do we promise to deliver, and to whom? If the promises are attractive, the politician is likely to get the votes. Most of the time the goodies promised are only to a section of the voters – selected on the basis of caste, religion, region, language, class etc. In such a case, even if a political party wins, it is never a ‘wave’, for the votes get divided – as happened in the recent elections in J&K, where there was one ‘Hindu’ wave in Jammu and a counter-wave (‘Muslim’) in the Valley, thus effectively cancelling each other.

Whenever a ‘wave’ has happened across the board, it has always been the result of a clever positioning by a political party that promises to deliver goods to all and sundry – at least, the overwhelming majority. Thus, the Kejriwal wave of Feb. 2015 was based upon promises such as free water and reduced electricity rates across the board. The Modi wave of 2014 was based on a promise of ‘development’ (meaning, increase in income) to all sections of society, including the Muslims. The first wave that we saw in India was in 1971, when Indira Gandhi coined the catchy slogan ‘garibi hatao’, and created headlines by nationalizing the banks and removing the privileges of the princely class, promising that all except the top 1% would benefit by her policies. This never happened, of course – and when instead a select few scoundrels were seen accumulating enormous wealth illegally, the tide turned against her, and intensified when she tried to suppress it with her Emergency. This universal disillusionment resulted in another wave – this time, againsther, in 1977. But those who now came to power, though of a better moral fibre, were singularly unable to ‘deliver the goods’.  All sections of society were again very disillusioned. So, we had a repeat of the Indira wave in 1979.

It is worth noting that each ‘wave’ that we have witnessed was actually based upon an expectation which was never fulfilled. Therefore, every election boils down to a drama, a process which a British writer captured very well in the following humourous way:

“Under democracy one party always devotes its chief energies to trying to prove that the other party is unfit to rule – and both commonly succeed, and are right.”

What is really important to recognize is that what creates a ‘wave’ - ‘goodies’ promised across the board (such as ‘development for all’ a la Modi)  - can NEVER be delivered. If they are made available to one section of society, it is always at the expense of the other. Gandhi conveyed this through his famous statement – ‘the earth provides enough for every man’s need, but not for every man’s greed’. It is not possible to make everybody rich in the modern sense of the term, because modern ‘development’ is always at the cost of Nature, and the earth has a fixed amount of non-renewable resources. 

Therefore, elections often deteriorate into one-up-man-ship games by politicians trying to please one section of society at the cost of the other. In such a scenario, issues like sharing of river waters, proficiency in a particular language for getting jobs, giving a particular caste or religious grouping preferences etc. become very emotive issues, often resulting in violent confrontations. But they do get votes for those who are promoting these confrontations – irrespective of their moral standing.

There is a story of a politician who wanted to get elected from a working class constituency. He came up with a brilliant idea to garner votes. “If you elect me,” he told them during an election rally,” I will make sure that you only have a three-day working week”. Not to be outsmarted, his opponent came to the microphone and countered with “But if you elect me, I will make sure you need to come to work only every Wednesday”. One of the workers shouted from the audience –‘what do you mean, every Wednesday?”

This story is meant to illustrate why it is that people espousing extremist ideologies tend to get attention and votes so easily these days. The vast majority of people want to climb the ‘get rich quickly’ bandwagon, in which the expectations are raised to unsustainable levels, and the hope is that the modern ‘system’ with its wonderful technologies will meet those expectations at the least cost – so, why work even on every Wednesday if one can get one’s salary without that?

This trend is catching up in a big way not just in our country, but all over the world. For example, why is it that sectarian fissures have developed in Iraq? The fundamental reason is that Sunnis and Shias have been promised increased share of incomes from oil and such ‘natural’ revenues by those who claim to be their religious leaders. Even the ‘secular’ Saddam Hussein resorted to this tactic to retain his hold on power, and now IS is practicing it in a very blatant way. Sunnis from all over the world are being attracted to shift to IS territory and join them on the basis of promises that include the provision of a lovely house, a car and girls. These are the kind of promises that always backfire in the end. Assuming the IS goal of converting all of humanity into Sunnis (by eliminating those who refuse to convert) is fulfilled, is it really going to be possible to supply these ‘goodies’ to each one? For instance, if each person were to own a car, how many years of supply of gasoline will the earth have? What about the iron ore needed for the manufacture of the car? So, in no time at all, there will be different groupings among the world’s Sunnis, all fighting with each other for a better and bigger share of the world’s scarce resources, but in the name of their particular group, whose interpretation of the Koran they will claim is the ‘right’ one!

We need to recognize that the modern goal of ‘development for all’ has pushed us all into a fool’s paradise, resulting in the mayhem we are witnessing in so many parts of the world. At the root of all our problems – which may seem to stem from different sources such as religion, ethnicity, language, nationality, class, caste etc. – is our definition of what constitutes development and progress.

Recognizing that the modern military-industrial complex is luring us into unachievable goals, Gandhi had suggested a different route, as spelt out in his seminal book “Hind Swaraj” – in which, he made it clear, his advice is meant not just for Indians but for all of mankind, including the Englishman. It is very important to understand that what he meant by “Swaraj” is very different from the way the word in understood by most people, including Kejriwal and Yadav. To him, Swaraj meant Swa+Raj – self-control, control over one’s own mind. Therefore, it was primarily an individual concept, not a political one. In his vision, Swaraj at the social level could occur only if a sufficient number of people practiced it at the individual level. Concepts such as village republics and local self-governance (which AAP has been stressing) flowed from this basic notion of individual self-control. But these concepts are not implementable at the social level in the absence of Swa+Raj at the individual level.

Therefore, Swaraj from the Gandhian point of view is basically a spiritual effort, wherein we try to bring our mind under our control – so that we learn to distinguish between need and greed, and thereby limit ourselves to our needs, which Mother Earth is ever willing to provide to all of humanity. ‘Mohalla sabhas’ of the kind AAP has been championing as the basis for decision-making will not work until our very definition of ‘development’ is based on self-control as the goal of life.

If material growth is not the goal of life, what should it be? If we want to pursue Swaraj, the goal of life has to be –becoming a better human being – rather than increasing our so-called ‘standard of living’. In theory, almost everyone would agree that becoming a better human being is a desirable goal, but when it comes to practice, it becomes very difficult to marry this goal with the goal of ‘prosperity’ that modern development promotes. When I was living in USA in 1965, I had come to know a wonderful, loving, helpful family, who were trying their best to practice (as well as preach) Christianity. Their home, which I used to visit often, was in a place called East Palo Alto – which at that time housed only whites. One day, when I went there, they were all in a sullen, depressed state of mind. When I inquired, they told me with alarm written all over their features that a black man had purchased a house in East Palo Alto. “Why does that bother you?,” I asked, “I thought you treated blacks as equal, especially if they are Christians.” They replied: “Oh yes, we do, but we don’t want them as neighbours. That depresses the property market, and all the loans we have taken for buying the goods to maintain our standard of living are based on the assumption that our lovely home’s market value will increase exponentially.” They soon put up a ‘For Sale’ board on their lawn, and succeeded in selling their lovely home before the prices went down too low. This trend picked up momentum, real estate prices dived, and East Palo Alto soon became a ‘ghetto’ for the blacks!

We may not realize it, but built into the value framework of modern development are features which force us to become worse rather than better human beings. Modern development is based upon a creation of desires – for goods, for new inventions, for a bigger share of nature’s resources. 

Therefore, we end up treating the ‘other’ (be it the religion or race or caste or whatever) as a competitor, to be outsmarted – or. worse still,  eliminated - even if that is not our intention. The highly respected economist John Maynard Keynes was frank enough to admit this in simple, straightforward terms:

“We must all pretend to ourselves and to each other that foul is far and fair is foul, for foul is useful and fair is not. Avarice and usury and precaution must be our gods for a little longer, for it is only these gods who can take us out of the tunnel of economic necessity into daylight.”


Gandhi’s ideas were based on a recognition of the truth of what Keynes has stated above – that in the name of ‘economic necessity’, morality is being sacrificed.  Therefore, he suggested the opposite – putting a limit on our material desires so that our higher faculties may be better developed, resulting in our becoming better human beings. But the fact is that the people of India have never really accepted Gandhi’s ideas, even though we call him the Father of the Nation. Beginning with Nehru, who used the word ‘preposterous’ to describe Gandhi’s booklet “Hind Swaraj”, even his own so-called followers (with the possible exception of Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan) had rejected it. And now, with ‘globalization’ in the air and everyone’s penchant for improving our ‘standard of living’, the vast majority of people want to go in the direction opposite to what Gandhi had recommended.

Therefore, ideas like Swaraj are not easy to implement, as the masses are today too enamoured of ‘development’. However, a good leader can attempt to turn the tide, provided he himself is practising Swa+Raj – the spiritual goal of gaining full control over the mind. What does this mean in actual practice? It does not mean that Kejriwal losing his temper and abusing Yadav and Bhushan during that infamous phone conversation amounts to proof that he is not trying to practice Swa+Raj. But if he does not feel remorse for it by resolving not to treat others in this fashion again, then he has not set the goal of Swa+Raj for himself – and so his attempts at Swaraj for Delhi or India will come to naught. Similarly, during his address at Ramlila grounds, when he spoke of the ills of ahankar and how the voters had punished AAP on account of this in the 2014 elections, if he was referring to himself, then he is practising Swa+Raj. But if, as many analysts have said, it was an oblique reference to Yadav and Bhushan whom he was planning to throw out of the party, then he was far away from this ideal. He was ignoring the truth of that famous saying which I first heard from Rajmohan Gandhi:


“When you point a finger at someone, remember, there are three fingers pointing at you.”


Looking at one’s own shortcomings, admitting them and trying to overcome them is the essence of Swa+Raj. This seems a sure way to lose elections, where ‘putting down the other’ is standard practice. Therefore, as Gopalakrishna Gandhi has written, winning elections on a moral platform is “extremely difficult”. But it has been done, and it can be done. Two examples that come to my mind are Lal Bahadur Shastri and Gulzarilal Nanda. When Shastri was Prime Minister, I remember an incident when he was visiting Bangalore. Those days, India was always facing a food shortage, something the newer generation has not experienced. At that particular time, Karnataka had been in the grip of a severe food crisis on account of a drought, and Shastri had been called there by the Chief Minister specifically to request a special package of aid from the Central government. On the evening of his arrival, there was a tea party in his honour, where the menu included specialities like fried cashew nuts, tasty sweets etc. Shastri excused himself from eating any of these. Then, when his turn as the guest of honour came to make a speech, he merely said: “Tomorrow, when your Chief Minister requests me for a special grant from the Centre by pointing to the shortage of food in this state, I am merely going to read out the menu of items served at this function”.

Shastri’s speech would not have had the desired effect if he had himself partaken of any of the goodies. Therefore, a few days later, when he called upon each Indian to skip a meal a day for some days, there was a massive response. Only a leader who practices Swa+Raj himself can evoke such a response. This is where the importance of individual self-control comes in. Not just at the level of food and money, but also at the level of power. Gulzarilal Nanda was made Acting Prime Minister twice, but was never elevated to that supreme post which all politicians hanker after. But he never minded it, and when the second time he was overlooked and Indira Gandhi was instead elected by the party, he merely shifted to a one-room rented tenement in Delhi in which he lived out the rest of his life.

If a politician were to practice this kind of Swa+Raj on himself, what are the chances that he would get into positions of power? Most people would think the chances of getting elected on a platform of humility is very low. But if winning is the sole aim of the politician, then morality has to be bid goodbye.
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Narasimha Prasad  







 A few thoughts on morality in politics & Swa-raj as explained by Gandhiji.
1. In as much as that politics is all about influencing people & events. In a democracy, reaching a position of influence over the majority of the electorate is the all consuming objective of the politician. Personal morality is but one of the features of a leader that may be appealing to the electorate. Frequently, more attractive features as you've elaborated are peddled to get the votes. It is also easier to do so. Equally important, a morally upright person is more likely to be loathe to boast about her uprightness, even mention about it in publicity. In a democracy, that is self - defeating when winning elections is the objective.
2. An individual elector would look for whats appealing in the personal perspective of immediate/ short term/ medium / long term features of the candidates. A candidate's morality would be more appealing if it is shown to be lacking than otherwise, as frequently seen. It appears easier for morality to become a influencing factor collectively at times than at a personal level. A candidate's personal integrity & high morals stand a very poor chance against promise of goodies & freebies, personal or collective.
3. It is easier for everyone to highlight negatives as there is an excitement in knowing/ talking about the negatives of a person that positives can never match. We can see that happening always - a rape, an actor getting convicted for a crime, a politician accused of corruption, get much more attention than the excellent work of Satyarthi or the moral uprightness of numerous but a minority of government employees who suffer for protecting their integrity & honesty while at public service.
4. A leader who invokes the latent aspiration for everyone to be good, to be successful,  to be morally upright
 has a better chance to get elected over another equally morally upright candidate.
5. Greed is a basic human trait that is better regulated than suppressed or avoided in the society. At a personal level, what is adequate is the individual's estimate that differs not only amongst people but also with time for the same person. Hence, Gandhiji's Swa-raj is more a personal ideal to work for than to be a collective benchmark.  

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Shri T.S. Ananthu’s response.
I particularly liked two points - (i) a morally upright person will never boast about his uprightness as humility is the foundation of all other good traits (ii) good workers and good behaviour (by people like government servants) does not catch peoples' attention because the media needs to highlight the sensational and catchy stuff. It is for this reason that sectarian and communal differences tend to get exaggerated - no one, for instance, mentions the hundreds of Hindus who risked their lives to save their Sikh friends in Delhi during the 1984 riots, or the Muslims who protected the Pandits when they were being terrorized in Kashmir.

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